Why a U.S. Military Base inside Israel is bad for both countries

 by Stephen M. Flatow

Reports say the United States is preparing to build a $500 million military base in southern Israel, near the Gaza border, to house thousands of foreign troops who will “stabilize” the Strip and enforce the ceasefire.

On paper, it may look like a bold move toward long-term security. In reality, it is a dangerous shift that undermines Israel’s sovereignty, hurts America’s credibility, and hands a political victory to the terrorists and their sponsors who just lost a war.

For decades, Israel and the United States have shared a rare and valuable principle: no foreign troops on Israeli soil. The IDF defends Israel, not NATO, not the United Nations, and not international coalitions. That rule has protected Israel’s independence and protected the United States from becoming militarily entangled in Israel’s battles.

One of the most effective responses to critics of American military aid to Israel has always been simple: the U.S. does not fight Israel’s wars. Not a single American soldier has been stationed in Israel during this conflict. The moment foreign forces assume permanent positions here, that argument collapses. Every anti-Israel activist, every hostile regime, and every international body will repeat one line endlessly: America has boots on the ground in Israel.

Beyond the propaganda problem, the plan creates physical danger. Thousands of foreign troops camped near the Gaza border would instantly become targets. Iran, Hamas, Houthis, ISIS offshoots, and every terror franchise in the region would have a new mission: kill Americans on Israeli soil. That is not theoretical-Hamas and Hezbollah have spent years waiting for any excuse to drag the U.S. directly into the fight. Placing international soldiers on Israel’s border gives them that excuse.

It also hands Israel’s enemies a public relations gift. Israel won this war-militarily, strategically, and morally. But if a foreign force suddenly takes over ceasefire monitoring, humanitarian distribution, and border control, Hamas and its supporters will claim that Israel “lost” and had to be replaced. That narrative would spread across Europe, the UN, and the Arab world within hours. It would not matter that Hamas collapsed. What would matter is the image of international soldiers doing Israel’s job. Perception drives escalation in this region, and perception matters.

There is a simple question at the heart of this: what problem is being solved? 

Israel has defended itself for 77 years without a single foreign battalion deployed on its soil. It knows how to control its borders. It knows how to monitor ceasefires. It knows how to stop terrorism. The last thing Israel needs is an international committee debating how to respond to rocket fire while foreign troops sit in the line of fire. The IDF must remain the only force responsible for Israel’s defense.

If the United States wants a staging ground for humanitarian efforts or for a post-war coordination center, there is a far better option: Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. The model already exists. The Multinational Force and Observers has operated there for decades. No sovereignty issues. No interference with Israeli operations. No propaganda victory for terror groups. Most importantly, no American deaths because international forces were caught between Israel and Hamas. The Sinai is close enough to monitor and support Gaza, but safely outside Israeli territory and outside the political minefield of placing foreign troops inside the Jewish state.

Once foreign soldiers arrive, every military decision in southern Israel becomes a diplomatic negotiation. If rockets are fired, will Israel be told to hold back because a European battalion is nearby? Will American generals ask Israel to avoid retaliation that might place their troops in danger? Will Israel need “coordination” every time it acts in its own defense? That is how sovereignty erodes-not by force, but by consent, one concession at a time.

Israel does not need peacekeepers. It needs partners who strengthen its ability to defend itself. The United States can help rebuild Gaza, deter Iran, and support humanitarian relief without crossing the line both nations have held for decades. Stand with Israel diplomatically, militarily, and politically-but keep foreign troops off Israeli soil. If stability in Gaza requires a base, let it be built in the Sinai, where it serves its purpose without rewriting the rules of Israeli sovereignty.

Israel won this war. It should not surrender its victory to international symbolism, bureaucratic experiments, or military photo-ops. The United States and Israel have never made the mistake of entangling their forces on Israeli ground. There is no reason to start now.