Friday, November 13, 2026
Rav Landau's UTJ Party Sits With the Arab Parties
This story about Rav Landau's henchman sitting with people that want to kill us. came from the Arab Ra'am chairman Mansour Abbas, UTJ are a bunch of cowards and would not have told anyone about this, but the truth eventually comes to the surface and Rav Landau was exposed.
Ra’am, Joint List in Talks With UTJ Over Potential Coalition - Kan News
Leaders of the Arab Ra’am and Joint List parties are in ongoing contact with senior United Torah Judaism (UTJ) officials, keeping each other updated on negotiations with the Gadi Eisenkot-led bloc seeking to oust Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Kan News reports.
According to the report, Ra’am chairman Mansour Abbas suggested opening talks among the three parties during a discussion with UTJ leaders about military conscription legislation. He argued that joint negotiations could legitimize a more lenient arrangement across the political spectrum while positioning UTJ as a potential “kingmaker.”
UTJ chairman Yakov Asher has also spoken several times with Abbas and Joint List MK Ahmad Tibi. However, Asher’s office said the conversations were informal and unrelated to political negotiations.
There is precedent for cooperation between Arab and Chareidi parties. In early 2020, former Degel HaTorah MK Moshe Gafni, then chairman of the Knesset Finance Committee, tried to advance Tibi’s initiative to freeze the Kaminitz Law, which cracks down on unauthorized and illegal construction.
Separately, Yashar MK Shaul Meridor said Wednesday on 103FM that Chareidi parties and other factions could join a national emergency government if they accept four principles set by Eisenkot: recognizing Israel as a Jewish, democratic, liberal and egalitarian state; upholding the Declaration of Independence; requiring all citizens to perform military, national or civilian service; and recognizing Hamas as a terrorist organization and committing to destroy its military and governing power in Gaza.
Eisenkot has said these principles would form the basis of a broad, national-consensus government rather than one political camp imposing its will on another.
As support for Shas fractures far-right Ben Gvir reaps rewards
By Sue Surkes
It was quiet in this southern Israeli town’s commercial district the week after the election.
The Judaica stores were empty on an uncharacteristically warm November day; the streets were mostly filled with young men in white shirts and black skullcaps, heading to and from their Torah studies or manning stalls selling cheap clothing, household items, hummus, falafel, and schnitzel.
Largely religious and ranked in the third-lowest socioeconomic decile by the Central Bureau of Statistics, Netivot retains a palpable sense of economic hardship despite the new housing developments on its outskirts. It is home to many families of North African descent and is best known for the tomb of the Baba Sali, Rabbi Yisrael Abuhatzeira, a revered kabbalist who settled in the city in 1951 after immigrating from Morocco.
The town of some 55,000 has been, and should still be, a shoo-in for Shas, the political party founded 40 years ago by the late Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, Israel’s venerated Sephardic chief rabbi in the 1970s and ’80s. The party’s raison d’etre is to provide religious schooling and social welfare for Mizrahim, or Israelis of Middle Eastern origin, who have historically felt excluded by Israel’s Eastern European Ashkenazi leaders.
Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu: What the elections really revealed
Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu, chief rabbi of Tzfat and a member of the Chief Rabbinate Council, released a video addressing the election results and concerns over the formation of a left-wing government supported by the Arab parties.
He challenged the sense of fear among members of the national camp, declaring, "God has not taken a break or lost the election. The One who has cared for the people of Israel for thousands of years, who has cared for us until now, will not abandon us."
In the video, Rabbi Eliyahu pointed to what he described as the hypocrisy of the campaign to draft haredim and the exposure of the Arab Knesset members' true character as evidence of divine providence.
He emphasized, "Suddenly it becomes clear that the Torah is the bedrock of our existence; even the change bloc acknowledges this. Acting for ulterior motives ultimately leads to acting for the right reasons. In addition, the people of Israel finally understand that there is an enemy worse than Iran: the supporters of terrorism in our midst."
He added, "Even those in the haredi community who have distanced themselves somewhat from the Land of Israel and somewhat from the people of Israel now understand, more than anything else, that the Torah also means the Book of Genesis, the Land of Israel, King David and fighting our enemies. We cannot do without this. The people of Israel live on and will achieve greater victories than before."
Israeli Secular Supreme Court Issues Ruling in Ponevezh Yeshiva Dispute
Supreme Court Issues Ruling in Ponevezh Yeshiva Dispute:
Eviction Delayed Until 2027, Millions in Payments Ordered
Israel’s Supreme Court Justice Ofer Grosskopf has issued a binding interim ruling in the long-running dispute over Ponevezh Yeshiva in Bnei Brak, allowing the side of HaGaon HaRav Shmuel R’ Markovitz Shlit”a to remain on the yeshiva premises until August 12, 2027, subject to strict conditions.
Under the ruling, the Markovitz faction must pay 2.5 million NIS, plus VAT and interest, within 30 days, followed by monthly payments of 270,000 NIS for its use and maintenance of the premises.
The court also prohibited the Markovitz faction from using the Ponevezh Yeshiva name, official emblem or logo.
In addition, the existing arrangement dividing the yeshiva’s main hall equally between the two factions, with 300 places each, that will also apply on Shabbos and Yom Tov.
HaRav Markovitz and members of the association’s committee must personally sign a commitment to vacate the premises by the designated deadline.
Any violation of the conditions, including incidents of violence or provocation, could allow the Rav Kahaneman faction to seek an earlier eviction.
*This is a binding interim ruling on a request to suspend enforcement, reached following an agreement between the two sides.*
“It does not constitute the Supreme Court’s final decision on the appeal against the arbitration ruling.”
Thursday, November 12, 2026
How Emily Gellis tried taking down F-Factor with lies and fake allegations and almost succeeded
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| Tanya Zuckerbrot poses in her Midtown apartment in Manhattan, New York, Monday, July 20, 2026. |
Tanya Zuckerbrot is resurrecting F-Factor — and the product at the center of its scandal is coming back exactly as it was.
Six years after allegations that her fiber powders and bars made dozens of women sick ignited a social media war, lawsuits and a public fall from grace, the Manhattan dietitian is preparing to relaunch her brand by spring 2027.
“When we relaunch, I’m bringing back the F-Factor products people knew and loved. I continue to stand behind their formulations because they were developed based on sound nutritional science, and that foundation has not changed,” Zuckerbrot told The Post.
The 55-year-old plans to resume using the original signature powder formula — whey protein, partially hydrolyzed guar gum, stevia and monk fruit — from the same manufacturer.
“Why wouldn’t I?” she said. “The products have now been proven to be safe. I was so proud of this product.”
Zuckerbrot transformed the humble dietary staple into a wellness status symbol — and the foundation of a $40 million business.
A University of Michigan graduate with a master’s degree in nutrition from NYU, she built her reputation through a private Manhattan practice, advising clients on a high-fiber, high-protein approach to weight loss and chronic illness management.
Her mantra: “Fiber and protein at every meal makes losing weight no big deal.”
In summer 2020, New York fashion influencer Emily Gellis began sharing allegations that F-Factor products caused serious health problems, including gastrointestinal distress and hair loss.
The accusations erupted into an Instagram war, with Gellis — who had a history of crusading against brands — publishing more than 4,500 posts in 75 days, including claims that Zuckerbrot sent hundreds of people to the hospital, according to court documents.
Zuckerbrot denied the allegations and sued Gellis for defamation, claiming the alleged smear campaign caused F-Factor’s monthly revenue to plunge from more than $1 million to $90,000.
By 2023, the company had shuttered, leaving more than 20 employees out of work, according to Zuckerbrot.
The defamation case settled in October 2026, with Gellis agreeing to a public apology and $240,000 in payments.
Fast forward to today, Zuckerbrot is preparing to bring F-Factor back with some changes to how the products are presented and used.
The Silent Alliance: How Charedi and Arab politicians share the spoils of a state they reject
DIN: I have saying this for decades, that Charedim have zero "hakaras ha'toiv" and don't embody the character traits of Avraham Aveenu. When I say Charedim I mean their spiritual leaders. They do not recognize the State they live in yet demand equal representation. I believe the Israelis are catching on and are fed up.
Below is an article by Jonathan Pollard who is able to articulate these thoughts in a way that only he can!
Kol Ha'Kovod
The opening of the 26th Knesset delivered a striking visual metaphor for the current state of Israeli coalition politics.
As the strains of "Hatikvah" filled the plenum, United Torah Judaism (UTJ) MK Yaakov Asher stood in silence, matching the non-participation of Ra'am leader Mansour Abbas.
While the image of a Haredi lawmaker and an Islamist politician joined in mutual refusal to sing the national anthem shocked many, it merely exposed a raw, uncomfortable truth:
when it comes to the State of Israel, both sectors operate on an identical, highly transactional philosophy-withholding ideological allegiance while demanding maximum financial reward.
For decades, mainstream Israeli society has been told to respect the nuances of Haredi non-Zionism. Apologists explain that their j refusal to fully embrace the symbols of the state is rooted in deep theological convictions about the messianic era. But the spectacle at the Knesset opening strips away the theological cover, revealing what critics increasingly view as brazen hypocrisy.
The contradiction is impossible to ignore.
How can political factions consistently reject the foundational legitimacy of the Jewish state, refuse to stand for its anthem, and opt out of its existential burdens of civic and military service, while simultaneously utilizing their political leverage to extract billions in sector-specific funding?
From this perspective, the strategy is less about religious preservation and more about political extortion-treating the state treasury as an open ledger to fund a society that chooses to live apart from the very state sustaining it.
In this regard, the line separating the anti-Zionist Arab parties from the non-Zionist Haredi parties has blurred. Both factions view the state through a purely instrumental lens.
Arab lawmakers reject the definition of Israel as a Jewish state, viewing its national symbols as exclusionary, yet they pragmatically engage in the political process to secure budgets for their constituents.
UTJ, while believing in the holiness of Eretz Yisrael and the Jewish right to it, operates on the exact same blueprint. The irony is stark: a sector that claims Jewish authenticity behaves no differently than the political factions it frequently labels as hostile to the state's identity.
When politicians are willing to govern, vote on national laws, and pocket state funds, they cannot simultaneously pretend to be above the state's symbolic identity. Standing silent during Hatikvah while actively participating in the distribution of its resources is not a principled theological stance.
To a growing number of taxpayers who foot the bill and serve in the military, it looks like a cynical betrayal of the social contract- one where the rewards of citizenship are aggressively claimed, but the responsibilities and respect owed to the state are utterly denied.
Yet, pointing out this hypocrisy is not an attack on the Haredi people themselves, but rather an indictment of their blatantly extortionist leadership.
Genuine hope for the future lies in the complete social and economic integration of the Haredi population into a broader Israeli society. A healthy, unified nation requires their full participation- including sharing the national burden through some form of national service of their choice.
For this critical integration to occur, however, Haredi constituents must ultimately reject their current political leadership.
For far too long, these religious politicians have brainwashed, de-educated and impoverished their own voters. True change will only come when ordinary Haredi citizens break free from this manufactured dependency, demand a modern education, join the workforce, and choose leaders who seek to build bridges with the state rather than exploit it
She Dreamed of Hollywood. Then She Sat at Their Shabbos Table.
Nachi Gordon sits down with Julia Blum, a singer, songwriter and Yale graduate who grew up performing in Los Angeles and Beverly Hills, in a home where God simply wasn't part of the conversation. After a college interview left her unable to answer one question, "who are you?", a trip after graduation brought her to the Kotel and to a Shabbos table in the Old City, where one dropped platter changed the course of her life.
Julia shares what she found at Neve Yerushalayim, the choices she made about Shabbos, tznius and kol isha, why she stepped away from the stage for decades to be there for her kids, and what brought her back to music today.
Can Gedolim make mistakes?
by EMAILIM BATORAH
Mori V'Rabi, Harav Hagaon R. Shlomo Miller shlita, once quoted R. Shamshon Raphael Hirsch zt"l, who said:
"One of the lessons we learn from this week's פרשה, involving יצחק and עשיו, is that even a גדול can be mistaken, misled, and deceived."
R. Shlomo Miller shlita has often remarked:
"A גדול can make mistakes, and even when he does, he remains a גדול."
R. Shmuel Wosner zt"l writes: שו"ת שבט הלוי ח"י י"ג*
"On one occasion, when he met ר'איסר זלמן מלצר זצ"ל, he expressed his amazement at how the חזון איש זצ"ל could render decisions in matters of דיני נפשות (life-and-death questions) so quickly and yet be correct more than 90% of the time."
This remark is noteworthy. ר' איסר זלמן clearly regarded the חזון איש as possessing extraordinary judgment and insight. At the same time, he did not assume that the חזון איש was infallible. Even in the gravest decisions, he spoke of a 90% success rate, not 100%.
R. Chaim Ozer Grodzinski zt"l was the undisputed גדול הדור.
(R. Michoel Ber Weissmandl regarded him as the משה רבינו of his generation.)
Nevertheless, he opposed the Mirrer Yeshivah's plan to travel through the Soviet Union to reach Japan.
The outcome is now part of Jewish history.
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