DUS IZ NIES

“I don’t speak because I have the power to speak; I speak because I don’t have the power to remain silent.” Rav Kook z"l

Sunday, October 4, 2026

This is what Harav Bunim Schreiber said is "NOT A MILCHEMES MITZVA"

 



Here is a comment of the Rosh Yeshiva about October 7, the RY that called IDF soldiers "Garbage Cleaners.

A ‘community tragedy’ is not if 1200 people were killed… a community tragedy is one that affects everyone.... Lehavdil, the Meron tragedy, you feel connected because they were your friends, they were your family, they were your people..

In the last two weeks both Mishpacha and AMI Magazines have started campaigns to legitimize Rav Schreiber, who does need a Refua Shelima! 
Interesting that he says that the Oct 7 massacre was not a "community tragedy" though they were murdered Al Kiddush Hashem because they were killed for one reason only, because they were Jews! 

To Rav Schreiber Oct 7 victims are not his "community" so he doesn't give a damn about other Jews! He needs to be told that many frum people had children that went OTD and were in Nova and were brutally raped and murdered. These victims had mothers, fathers, siblings, some had children.
I know of at least 10 people that were murdered on Oct 7 that were Shoimrei Torah Umitzvois who were in MADA and Hatzala, or were IDF soldiers ! 
 
In Meron, Jew killed Jew, and those that killed though they were of course "shogegim" are according to the Torah "Roitzchim" murderers, and they are required to run to Arei Miklat! To Rav Schreiber the Meron "roitzchim" are "his family, his people."





The late Chief Rabbi Jonathan Sacks explains the evolution of antisemitism better than anyone in history

 

Former hostage Shoshan Haran a Pre-Oct. 7 left-wing activist writes Book on "What will change the situation"

 


The gutted Haran home at Kibbutz Be’eri

Shoshan Haran with her husband Avshalom Haran, who was murdered by Hamas terrorists on October 7, 2023.

DIN: What I found interesting in the article below is Shoshan Haran writing about her experience  at a large progressive synagogue in Manhattan one Shabbat, 

"the congregation asked her to say a prayer for the hostages but weren’t willing to include one for the welfare of the IDF."

I had to reread that line, because there are very few  Yeshivishe Shuls that would include a prayer for the welfare of the IDF" 
In fact there are a lot of similarities between Yeshivishe Shuls and Progressive Shuls, both don't recognize the State of Israel, both are against the IDF! 

Calmly peeling a clementine for the children, one of her Hamas captors told hostage Shoshan Haran that the four terrorists holding her and her loved ones in Gaza were no different from those who had slaughtered men, women and children during the bloody October 7, 2023, invasion of southern Israel — cold-blooded murderers.

“What they meant was that while their job at that moment was to guard us and keep us alive as bargaining chips, if someone came to try to rescue us, they would kill us,” Haran said. “It was too much for me to bear. I put it aside and only later let the meaning sink in.”

Haran, who was among 251 people abducted to the Gaza Strip on October 7, sheds light on her captors’ core beliefs in her new book, “Mission in Captivity: One Woman’s Struggle to Survive and Save Her Family in Gaza,” available October 6.

Haran describes conversations she had with the Hamas members who held her at gunpoint, painting a sobering picture of the effects of nearly 20 years of Hamas rule on the mindset of the Gaza population. Yet she also offers some thoughts about what it might take to begin changing their attitudes.

During the weekend of the Simhat Torah holiday in October 2023, Haran divided her time between preparing for a trip to the Netherlands and looking after family members who had come to celebrate the holiday with her and her husband, Avshalom, in their home at Kibbutz Be’eri. On her trip abroad, Haran planned to update a major seed producer about progress made by Fair Planet, the NGO she founded to help smallholder farmers in Africa improve their crops.

Her guests included her daughter Adi Shoham and son-in-law Tal, their two children, Naveh, 8, and Yahel, 3, as well as Avshalom’s sister Sharon Avigdori and her 12-year-old daughter, Noam.

Early in the morning of October 7, air-raid sirens shattered the idyllic atmosphere, and the family quickly crowded into their safe room. Hearing gunfire and Arabic-speaking voices outside, the adults hushed the children and hoped to remain undetected, but after Hamas terrorists smashed down a wall with a bulldozer, they surrendered.

The terrorists separated the women and children from the men and forced them into a vehicle. As Haran left the kibbutz — barefoot, in pajamas, her hands tied behind her back — she saw the bodies of some of the more than 100 kibbutz members murdered in the attack strewn along the road. She also saw smoke rising from the home of her sister, Lilach Kipnis. She would later learn that Lilach, her husband Eviatar, and his caregiver, Paul Castelvi, had been murdered, along with Haran’s own husband, Avshalom.

Arriving in Gaza, the then-67-year-old grandmother and her family were taunted by a large, unruly crowd that had filled the streets as news of the bloodbath in Israel quickly spread. The terrorists rushed the hostages into an apartment, which Haran would later learn was the home of a well-to-do Gaza doctor.

She and her family members were kept hidden in a windowless room where they were constantly guarded by four high-ranking Hamas members. Through a mix of courage, ingenuity, and people skills, Haran says she engaged her captors in long conversations, which helped keep the terrorists calm and even led them to treat the hostage children “kindly,” sometimes playing games with them.

Through these talks, she learned a great deal about the jihadist Hamas mindset.

“From the age of 7 they had been brought up in an education system controlled by Hamas,” Haran said in an interview with The Times of Israel. “They were taught that we are the Satan and that they have to destroy us, and then the entire world has to be Islamic.”

Only by removing the Hamas ideology from Palestinian schools, she proposes, can there be any chance of rectifying the situation.

Failure of the coexistence conception

Her captors, she learned, each received NIS 800 ($265) a month from Hamas, which was on par with the average wage in the private sector. Two of them were married with children, and although they had studied engineering and finance at university, none had been otherwise employed.

Their discussion about money led one of the captors to note that they were aware that Gazans who worked in Israel earned far more than they were paid. This led Haran to wonder about the Gazans who had worked at Kibbutz Be’eri. They regularly ate together with kibbutz members in the communal dining hall, and she herself had developed close relationships with several workers who helped renovate her mother’s house.

“We thought that because they were being well-paid, earning enough to support their families and developing friendly relations with us, this would lead to building understanding between our two nations and form the basis for coexistence and peace in the future,” Haran notes with irony in her book, adding that she now has come to be plagued by a chilling thought.

“The Gazans knew every small detail about our homes, including where the safe rooms were and who lived in every house. Could they have provided critical details to the Hamas terrorists? Could they or their family members have been part of the massacre?”

But while in captivity, Haran didn’t have time for this kind of introspection and she had to use her wits to keep the children’s morale up. One day, she told the children that she had spent the previous night in Africa by traveling through the magical chandelier hanging from the ceiling. The children played along and created fantasy journeys of their own.

None of her efforts, however, could erase the trauma the children suffered. Only long after their capture did Haran’s 3-year-old granddaughter Yahel reveal that she believed they had been kidnapped because she had cried while they were hiding in the safe room.

“Until then she carried the burden of feeling guilty and blaming herself for what had happened to us,” Haran noted.

Crusader for hostages’ release

When Haran was among the 105 hostages released in late November 2023, she began campaigning for the release of those still being held, meeting with government officials and other influential leaders around the world. Invited by then-US ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield to address the Security Council in May 2024, Haran argued that the best way to help Palestinians was to free the hostages, because that would end the war.

While at the UN, she met with an official dealing with terrorism.

Ironic!!!! While Satmar Drooled Over a Vicious Antisemite in the Sukka .. Bibi Hosts a Torah Study Group in the Sukka

 

This is too funny for words, someone writing fiction would never have come up with this scenario!
The holy Satmar sect in invites an unrepentant vicious Jew hater into the Sukka and presents him with a mezuza to leck his tuchis! And this vile mamzar is still obsessed with arresting the democratically elected leader of millions of Jews!
At the same time, Satmar's nemeses , Bibi Netanyahu, who is a secular Jew hosts a Torah Study group in the Sukka! 
עולם הפוך ראיתי 

Netanyahu Hosts Hoshana Rabba Torah Study on Jewish Heroism

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hosted a Hoshana Rabba Torah study session on heroism in the Knesset sukkah, calling yesterday's  events "a chain of miracles with divine assistance."


Mamdani renews call for Netanyahu’s arrest, urges US to join ICC

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani renewed his call for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to be arrested over alleged war crimes, while arguing that the United States should join the International Criminal Court and enforce its warrants.

“If I had my say, the US government would have joined the ICC, honored every single warrant that they’ve issued. I believe that the US government should join the ICC. It should enforce its warrants for everyone,” Mamdani told Theo Von on “This Past Weekend.”

Mamdani also repeated an accusation he made before Netanyahu’s recent visit to address the UN General Assembly.

“When you ask about the prime minister, we’re talking about the architect of a horrific genocide,” Mamdani said.

Netanyahu has criticized Mamdani, saying that “Jews no longer feel safe” in New York under the mayor. He also took issue with Mamdani’s characterization of Israel’s actions in Gaza and social media activity by the mayor’s wife, Rama Duwaji.

“It was strange,” Mamdani said of Netanyahu’s remarks. “I was having a meeting with the Prime Minister of the Netherlands at the LGBTQ center in downtown Manhattan … and then I get back from that meeting, and it’s like, ‘Oh, by the way, here’s what he was saying at the UN.’”

Mamdani accused Netanyahu of seeking to divert attention from the allegations against him.

“All of this is an attempt to distract from responsibility – name as many people as possible, try and make it into a back-and-forth. It’s not about me and him.”

“It’s about the fact that he’s the architect of a genocide. And it’s like, yeah, if I was the architect of a genocide, I would probably talk about anything but that,” charged Mamdani.

During his political campaign, Mamdani pledged to order the NYPD to arrest Netanyahu if he visited New York based on the ICC warrant.

After instructing his legal team to examine the issue, however, Mamdani acknowledged in July 2026 that New York City does not independently have the legal authority to carry out such an arrest.

The United States is not an ICC member, and legal experts and federal statutes have established that local police cannot enforce its warrants against a sitting foreign head of state with diplomatic immunity while visiting the United Nations.

Eisenkot’s flawed security doctrine is a recipe for another October 7

 

Eisenkot’s record of weakening Israel’s ground forces, embracing restrictive rules of engagement and favoring withdrawals and international arrangements reveals a security worldview Israel can no longer afford.

By Jonathan Pollard

As Israel fights an existential war across multiple fronts, leadership is no longer a matter of political preference – it is a binary choice between absolute victory and national collapse. While the public is fed a carefully manicured image of Gadi Eisenkot as a sober, responsible defense authority, the reality is far more alarming.

From the deliberate hollowing out of our ground forces to his current strategic positions, Eisenkot’s worldview represents the worst of the failed security concepts that brought us to October 7th.

Worse still, his recent entry into a political alliance with the radical left and his obstinate devotion to legalistic progressive rules of engagement expose a fatal truth: an Eisenkot premiership would not lead Israel to victory. It would shackle the IDF, surrender our strategic depth, and capitulate under the slightest pressure from Washington and Brussels.

The Architect of Unreadiness and Shackled Soldiers

The catastrophic failures of October 7th did not happen by chance; they were the logical conclusion of the exact military doctrine Eisenkot pioneered. As chief of staff, Eisenkot was personally responsible for slashing the IDF’s manpower and severely cutting its ground maneuver capabilities.

He championed a smaller, tech-reliant military that traded raw combat power for high-tech illusions. When Israel suddenly required a massive immediate ground force to fight a multi-front war, the structural defects he engineered were painfully laid bare.

Yet, while Eizenkot aggressively berates others for failing to take responsibility for the failures that led to October 7, he refuses to acknowledge how his own pre-war policies crippled the military’s capacity to decisively crush Hamas and Hezbollah.

This failure of doctrine is matched by his unyielding defense of progressive rules of engagement and the outdated “purity of arms” manual. In a Middle East defined by brutal asymmetric warfare, Eizenkot has consistently championed a hyper-legalistic framework that puts our soldiers at risk and actively prevents decisive military outcomes.

Instead of fighting to win, his doctrine prioritizes containing conflict and managing risks according to international law concepts. By subordinating the goal of absolute victory to progressive legal norms, his philosophy effectively ties the hands of IDF commanders on the front lines, turning a powerful army into a tool for managed retreats.

A Coalition of Contempt: The Alliance with Yair Golan

Nowhere is Eisenkot’s threat to national security more evident than in his formal agreement to form a coalition government with Yair Golan, the leader of the Democrats party. Golan is one of the most destructive and polarizing figures in modern Israeli history.

This is a man who infamously smeared our pioneer settler communities as “subhumans”, and has repeatedly leveled toxic, defamatory accusations against the IDF regarding its operations.

By locking arms with Golan in an opposition “change bloc” designed to seize power, Eisenkot has validated a radical fringe that views Israel’s own citizens and front-line protectors as the enemy. This alliance is not a mere political compromise. It is an ideological alignment.

An Eisenkot-Golan government would actively alienate the very communities providing the backbone of our combat forces, injecting severe domestic fractures into the heart of the security cabinet at a time when total unity is required.

Surrendering Gaza and Judea and Samaria

Eisenkot’s vision for the day after the war reads like a blueprint for Israel’s next disaster. Throughout the current conflict, he has consistently prioritized international diplomatic arrangements over the absolute destruction of Hamas, operating under the defeatist premise that the terrorist movement cannot be conventionally destroyed.

His proposal to rebuild Gaza under international supervision while withdrawing the IDF from the Strip is an exercise in dangerous naivety. A military withdrawal creates an immediate vacuum.

Without an active permanent IDF presence on the ground to conduct daily counter-terror operations, Hamas will simply be free to rebuild its forces, re-arm through open borders, and launch its next mass invasion.

His plans for Judea and Samaria are equally catastrophic.

-Propping up a hostile PA: While paying lip service to opposing a Palestinian state, Eisenkot demands that Israel do everything possible to preserve the Palestinian Authority. He chooses to ignore the PA’s flagrant violations of the Oslo Accords, its institutional incitement, and its aberrant “pay-for-slay” policy that funds the murder of Israeli citizens.

-Allowing a flood of Palestinian workers to enter Israel: In recent comments to the media, Eisenkot has indicated that he favors allowing more Palestinians to enter the Israeli job market. While he conditions their entry on “rigorous” background security checks, he seems totally oblivious to the dangers of allowing people who favor seeing another, even bigger, October 7 type massacre occur, to enter our most populous cities. As far as Eisenkot is concerned, though, keeping the PA financially afloat is more important than guaranteeing the security of our schools and malls.

-Caving on Strategic Land: He is fiercely opposed to building in the critical E1 corridor and refuses to support any additional settlement growth in Area C. His policy explicitly favors freezing Israeli strategic depth solely to avoid angering the international community, practically ensuring the creation of a contiguous hostile Palestinian territory right on our narrow border. Credible reports also indicate that as Chief-of-Staff, Eisenkot even went so far as to advocate ceding additional land in Samaria to the PA.

Cowardice via Evasiveness on the Global Stage

Perhaps the most telling indictment of Eisenkot’s fitness to lead is his calculated cowardly evasiveness on the most critical challenges facing the state.

He has remained completely silent on what Israel’s definitive objectives in Lebanon must be, said nothing regarding our policy toward the Druze community in Sweida, and has offered zero strategy on how to confront the head of the snake in Iran.

Most dangerously, this silence extends to his complete refusal to explain how he would stand up to intense pressure from the United States and the European Union.

At a moment when Israel faces relentless international demands to halt military operations, accept premature ceasefires, and make sweeping concessions to the PA, Eisenkot’s calculated silence is a screaming red flag.

It signals to our allies and enemies alike that he lacks the spine to say “no” to the West. A leader who hides his foreign policy in the shadows is a leader who will quietly cave the moment the White House or Brussels demands that Israel compromise on its own survival.

Ignoring and Burying Inconvenient Reports

What should really concern people who are rightly demanding a commission of inquiry over what, exactly, occurred in the run-up to October 7, is what Major General (rtd.) Yitzhak Brik had to say about Eisenkot’s propensity to cover up serious problems in the army.

During his time as the Soldiers’ Complaints Commissioner, Brik published a report on the readiness of our ground forces. Brik has publicly accused Eisenkot of doing “everything possible” to hide it from the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, the State Comptroller, and the Cabinet.

According to Brik, ignoring this report contributed directly to the army’s unpreparedness for Hamas’ October 7 invasion.

Brik also claims that he holds an archive of testimonies from hundreds of officers describing a dire situation in the army that existed during Eisenkot’s term as Chief-of-Staff. Brik indicated that if the public read them, “they would be horrified”.

Assuming Eisenkot became Prime Minister, can we be sure that he wouldn’t do everything he could to suppress these embarrassing reports? This possibility alone should convince people not to vote for Eisenkot’s party.

Conclusion

Israel is out of time for leaders who view national defense as a series of managed concessions and legalistic restraints. Gadi Eisenkot’s record is clear. He structurally weakened our military, champions rules of engagement that deny victory, and has allied himself with radical figures who despise our front-line communities.

Combined with his eagerness to surrender land and his total submissiveness to international opinion, Eisenkot does not represent security. He represents an existential threat to the state of Israel.

*REVEALED: More info from the flydubai captain



 *REVEALED:* The flydubai captain wounded in the cockpit attack has described how the incident unfolded, saying the co-pilot initially asked if he could pray in the cockpit — a request the captain said did not seem unusual.


Around four to five minutes later, the captain said he was suddenly struck repeatedly in the back of the head. His vision became severely blurred, and moments later, he felt the aircraft enter a sharp descent.

Despite his injuries, the captain managed to open the cockpit door at one point, but said the co-pilot quickly shut it again. People outside attempted to enter using the cockpit access code, but the co-pilot allegedly refused to grant them access from inside.

Lying injured on the cockpit floor, the captain recalled hearing the aircraft rushing downward as passengers screamed.

Believing he might not survive, he said he summoned “one last fight,” forced himself back toward the cockpit door, reached the internal twist handle and opened it.

Saturday, October 3, 2026

Nauseating & Sickening : Devorah Halberstam mother of murdered Ari invites Mamzarani to Sukka

 

The forgotten 1929 massacre that explains the Middle East today......the Cruel British did then what they continue to do today. Siding with the Arabs

 

An officer of the Palestinian Police stands guard at a damaged synagogue in Hebron, Mandatory Palestine, Tuesday, Nov. 18, 2025. The synagogue was damaged during the Hebron massacre in August 1929, when dozens of Jews were killed by Arab rioters

Since Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas sympathizers have insisted that we must understand the massacre in its historical context — that it did not happen in a vacuum. This much is true.  

To understand this context, we need to look back at a chapter of history that predates the state of Israel by two decades. That chapter is 1929.

On Aug. 24, 1929, more than 3000 Muslim men armed with swords, axes and machetes marched through the ancient Jewish quarter of Hebron, then part of British Mandate Palestine. That Sabbath morning, they slaughtered 67 Jewish men, women and children, and wounded dozens more. Children watched as their parents were butchered by their neighbors. Rabbis and yeshiva students were castrated. Infants were murdered in their mothers’ arms. Young women were raped. Those who survived endured horrific cruelty, with fingers and limbs severed and eyes gouged. 

Many victims of the Hebron massacre knew their assailants by name. Until that day, the rioters had been their friends, neighbors, coworkers and landlords. Most of Hebron’s Jews were natives of the land who spoke Hebrew and Arabic. This was the world’s oldest Jewish community, dating back to the days of Abraham and Sarah, who are believed to be buried in Hebron’s Cave of the Patriarchs and Matriarchs.

The massacre bore striking similarities to Oct. 7.

But the significance of 1929 extends far beyond these parallels. This overlooked chapter of history offers a window into the forces that shape this conflict — forces that are entirely missing from contemporary accounts of its origins. 

In 1929, Jews represented 20% of a population of less than 1 million people. There was no persecution or oppression of Palestinians in 1929. To be a Palestinian was to be a Jew or an Arab living under British rule. Jews and Muslims had lived alongside one another in Hebron for generations.

What led thousands of Muslims in Hebron to turn on their Jewish neighbors was a campaign of disinformation initiated by the first leader of the Palestinian people: the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin Al-Husseini. He claimed that the Jews of Palestine were conspiring to destroy Al-Aqsa in order to rebuild the ancient Jewish Temple, upon whose ruins Al-Aqsa had been built.

That lie crested into a wave of violence against Jews in Palestine.

Hamas repeats the same lie today, positioning themselves as the defenders of Al-Aqsa. It is no coincidence that Hamas named the Oct. 7 attack “The Al-Aqsa Flood.”

Yet the most revealing connection between 1929 and 2023 lies not in the violence but in its aftermath. In both cases, atrocities were simultaneously denied and blamed on their Jewish victims, murderers were glorified as heroes and the religious underpinnings of the violence were obscured.

After the riots were quelled by British troops, the Arabic press in Palestine falsely reported that Jews had initiated the riots. The international community saw through these lies at the time. Western journalists did not attempt to justify the slaughter of unarmed children. Protests against the Arab riots took place around the world.

And yet, the British did then what they continue to do today. Siding with the Arab majority of Palestine, the British concluded in the 1930 Shaw Commission that what sparked the riots was a peaceful Jewish demonstration at the Western Wall in mid-August 1929, on the Ninth of Av, the saddest day on the Jewish calendar, when Jews mark the destruction of the ancient Jewish Temples. 

In hopes of keeping the peace, the British rewarded the attackers. To appease the Arab majority, they issued quotas on Jewish immigration. There were no limits on rising Arab immigration. They also restricted Jewish land purchases. After all, land in Palestine was not being confiscated by Jews or given to them by the British. It was being sold to them by wealthy Arab landowners, at exorbitant prices. 

So, what happens when the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is told without the context of 1929?

We are witnessing the consequences in real time. The 1929 Hebron massacre undermines the assumption that today’s conflict was caused by the state of Israel. 

As a journalist who reported from Israel and the Palestinian Territories from 2013 to 2023, I witnessed the ways in which history is omitted from coverage of this conflict. I began writing a book about the Hebron massacre four years before Oct. 7, hoping to shed light on this fateful period of history that so few people know about. Three years after Oct. 7, the lies which fueled violence in Palestine one century ago are no longer rejected by the international community, but sustained by it. 

Context is only useful when it is complete. The long-forgotten story of 1929 is vital to understanding the deeper forces — of religious domination, disinformation and historical amnesia — that have shaped this conflict for the past century. They have been ignored far too long.

Yardena Schwartz is the author of “Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab-Israeli Conflict.”

Crew of hijacked flydubai plane clashed with heroic Israeli passengers, demanded tied-up terror pilot be freed

 




Manes said he is a regular guy who just wanted to save his family.

Daniel Schlichter said that he was fully prepared to die.

The crew of the hijacked flydubai plane shockingly clashed with heroic Israeli passengers who subdued the ax-wielding co-pilot after he attacked the pilot — demanding he be freed, two men who helped secure the terror suspect told The Post in exclusive interviews.

“They were asking us to untie the terrorist — we had no idea why,” said banking executive Tzvika Manes, one of the three civilians who took down the would-be hijacker.

“They were saying to free the terrorist — we got instantly suspicious of them,” said real estate professional Daniel Schlichter, who was sitting in the second row, close to the cockpit .
Manes, 40, was traveling with his wife and three daughters aged 11, 7, and 6, after a family vacation in Japan, when the co-pilot, identified by The Wall Street Journal as an Omani national Hamam al-Hammami, began hacking at the Indian pilot, Capt. Smit Machchhar, with a crash ax.

The seriously injured Machchhar managed to open the cockpit door. Manes, along with plumber Yaniv Hayoun and Asaf Rajuan, rushed to confront the attacker and overpowered him.

Hayoun, a plumber, then managed to stabilize the nosediving plane using techniques he learned from the TV show “Air Disasters.”

But after the three Israelis subdued the pilot and restrained him face-down with his hands tied behind his back — first with zip ties, then using headphone wires that Schlicter gathered from passengers.

As he was subdued, Hayoun heard the terrorist cry, “Kill me, kill me” — apparently because he failed in his Jihadist mission, Manes said.

Yet some crew members began demanding that he be freed.

An argument ensued and the Israeli trio shot back that under no circumstances would the suspected terrorist be released.

“They said, ‘You are not God, you are not going to kill him,'” Manes recalled. “We didn’t want to kill him, we just wanted him not to kill us.”

Schlichter, 59, who was also returning from a vacation in Japan with his wife, and Manes both said that the Israelis even gave the wounded terrorist an oxygen mask.

“We wanted him to live so he could be investigated,” Schlichter said.

A power play ensued with the crewmembers insisting that they were in charge of the plane and needed to remain alone in the area directly in front of the cockpit.

The Israelis, fearing the crew could be involved in the pilot’s plot, ordered the stewards to leave the cockpit area and to take seats in the middle of the plane.

“We told them, “Now the policy is we’re in charge and you do what we say,’ ” Manes said.

“We didn’t know what to think, we were in a suspicious mode for every steward.”

A group of passengers, Schlichter among them, escorted the crew members to seats in the fifth or sixth row, away from the cockpit.

“We shouted at them and told them to sit down,” said Schlichter, who has two children and two granddaughters.

The trio then enlisted a “big guy” to guard the cockpit and prevent anyone from entering, Manes said.

Reserve pilots seated on the back of the plane had at that point already entered the cockpit and taken over the control of the aircraft.

After the crew was seated, they began to “understand that this was a special case,” Schlichter said, and they started tending to the traumatized passengers, providing them with blankets and water.

The crew has not been accused of conspiring with the bloodthirsty co-pilot.

When asked by The Post about the crew’s behavior, flydubai said it could not comment on a matter under investigation. “We remain fully committed to supporting the ongoing investigation and are in close coordination with the relevant government authorities and regulators,” it said in a statement.

“I stayed with the terrorist until we landed safely in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia. After that I hugged my daughters and told them they were going to be OK, and that they are heroes,” Manes said.

Once the plane landed, the adrenaline began to wear off and passengers started processing what they had just survived.

Some had panic attacks while others broke down crying, Manes said.

“They didn’t want to fly back to Israel on another flydubai flight. Many wouldn’t step foot on the plane until they were personally told by the Mossad that the pilots had been cleared,” he said.

The self-described “regular finance guy” never dreamed he would one day be the center of a movie-like life-or-death midair battle.

His only thought was saving his family.

“When I heard my daughters crying ‘Father I don’t want to die’ — that was the trigger for me to run and fight, I wasn’t thinking of anything, it was just fight or flight,” Manes said.

The pilot fought the three men viciously.

“Punches were flying, we were kicking him, we didn’t know if he still had his knife, we couldn’t see it,” Manes said. “None of us were fighters or heroes, we were just normal guys who wanted to save our families.”

“It was sounds you only hear in a movie,” Schlichter said.

Manes, the CEO of Barak Capital Underwriting, Israel’s largest investment bank, said he has bruises all over his body.

“The G-Force was like something I never felt like in my life, it felt like everything was soaking, it was a crazy feeling,” he said.

Schlichter said that he was fully prepared to die as the plane nosedived 17,000 feet in moments.

“It was the longest minute I’ll ever have in my life, I remember everything, I remember clearly thinking about 9/11, then I thought about my children, my family, how awful it would be for them to hear what happened,” he said.

Both men said they were overwhelmed by the number of things that had to go right for everyone aboard to survive.

“Statistically this kind of miracle can not be happening, the chance that each one of us, especially would be on the same second where they had to be, I can’t even fathom how unlikely it is,” Schlichter said.

“I believe that definitely we had divine protection,” Manes said. “Someone up there is watching over us.”